The Instrumental Case in the Diachrony of Russian Reflexive Verbs of Emotion : From Cause to Content. / Ovsjannikova, Maria; Say, Sergey.
In: Scando-Slavica, Vol. 66, No. 1, 02.01.2020, p. 118-143.Research output: Contribution to journal › Article › peer-review
}
TY - JOUR
T1 - The Instrumental Case in the Diachrony of Russian Reflexive Verbs of Emotion
T2 - From Cause to Content
AU - Ovsjannikova, Maria
AU - Say, Sergey
N1 - Publisher Copyright: © 2020, © 2020 The Association of Scandinavian Slavists and Baltologists. Copyright: Copyright 2020 Elsevier B.V., All rights reserved.
PY - 2020/1/2
Y1 - 2020/1/2
N2 - Russian experiencer-subject reflexive verbs of emotion vary greatly in the syntactic encoding of their stimuli: poražatʹsja ‘be astonished’ takes the dative case, while obižat’sja ‘feel offended’ takes na ‘on’ + the accusative case, etc. Based on data from the Russian National Corpus, we show that, despite synchronic variegation, many reflexive verbs have been undergoing a unidirectional drift during the last three centuries: the instrumental encoding of the stimulus has gradually been giving way to lexically determined patterns. The use of the instrumental was motivated by its semantic profile: it was closely associated with the meaning of cause. This syntactic change echoes changes in the construal of the stimulus, whereby its cause-like components weaken and its content-like components come to the fore. The evidence in favour of this hypothesis includes the semantic differences between the instrumental case and the relevant encoding devices, a gradual decrease in the proportion of stimuli that are inanimate, the development of emotive meanings on the basis of physical meanings in individual verbs and lexicalization by which reflexive verbs become emancipated from their transitive counterparts. Semantic and syntactic scenarios in the development of reflexive verbs are later partially replicated by corresponding periphrastic participial constructions.
AB - Russian experiencer-subject reflexive verbs of emotion vary greatly in the syntactic encoding of their stimuli: poražatʹsja ‘be astonished’ takes the dative case, while obižat’sja ‘feel offended’ takes na ‘on’ + the accusative case, etc. Based on data from the Russian National Corpus, we show that, despite synchronic variegation, many reflexive verbs have been undergoing a unidirectional drift during the last three centuries: the instrumental encoding of the stimulus has gradually been giving way to lexically determined patterns. The use of the instrumental was motivated by its semantic profile: it was closely associated with the meaning of cause. This syntactic change echoes changes in the construal of the stimulus, whereby its cause-like components weaken and its content-like components come to the fore. The evidence in favour of this hypothesis includes the semantic differences between the instrumental case and the relevant encoding devices, a gradual decrease in the proportion of stimuli that are inanimate, the development of emotive meanings on the basis of physical meanings in individual verbs and lexicalization by which reflexive verbs become emancipated from their transitive counterparts. Semantic and syntactic scenarios in the development of reflexive verbs are later partially replicated by corresponding periphrastic participial constructions.
KW - cause
KW - diachrony
KW - instrumental case
KW - reflexive verbs
KW - Russian
KW - stimulus
KW - valency
KW - verbs of emotion
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=85085029133&partnerID=8YFLogxK
U2 - 10.1080/00806765.2020.1741029
DO - 10.1080/00806765.2020.1741029
M3 - Article
AN - SCOPUS:85085029133
VL - 66
SP - 118
EP - 143
JO - Scando-Slavica
JF - Scando-Slavica
SN - 0080-6765
IS - 1
ER -
ID: 72482779